When Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi, the KwaZulu-Natal Police Commissioner, stood before the Madlanga Commission of Inquiry on September 18, 2025, he didn’t just testify—he dropped a bombshell. Accusing Fadiel Adams, the parliamentary leader of the National Coloured Congress, of illegally accessing and weaponizing top-secret police intelligence, Mkhwanazi’s testimony has ignited a firestorm in South Africa’s political and law enforcement corridors. The documents in question? Classified reports on alleged manipulation of SAPS vetting procedures. The fallout? Arrests, counter-accusations, and a constitutional showdown over who gets to see what—and when.
How a Parliamentarian Got Access to Secrets He Wasn’t Authorized to See
Mkhwanazi’s core allegation is straightforward: Adams, while serving on the Portfolio Committee on Police, obtained intelligence meant solely for the Joint Standing Committee on Intelligence—a body Adams does not belong to. Under South Africa’s Intelligence Services Oversight Act of 1994, only members of that 15-person joint committee are legally cleared to handle classified Crime Intelligence materials. Adams, as a member of the 35-person Police Committee, has no such clearance. Yet, Mkhwanazi claims Adams received unverified, sensitive reports suggesting SAPS officers were rigging background checks for promotions. "It is information that is intended for another structure of parliament," Mkhwanazi told the commission. "If such information comes to him, he ought to know that it must be handed over." What happened next is where things turned dangerous. Adams didn’t hand the documents over. Instead, he used them to file criminal charges against three Crime Intelligence officers, including Dumisani Khumalo, the Head of Crime Intelligence. Khumalo and two others were arrested in June 2025 and later released on bail, according to records from the Johannesburg Magistrates’ Court. No formal charges were ever laid. No trial followed. Just arrests—triggered by intelligence that, by law, Adams shouldn’t have had.A Reversal That Sparked a Legal Counterattack
The tension didn’t start with this accusation. It escalated after Mkhwanazi retracted earlier claims he’d made before Parliament’s ad hoc corruption committee in early October 2025. Those claims had implicated former Police Minister Bheki Cele and alleged organized crime figure Vusimuzi 'Cat' Matlala. But when pressed by committee members—including an unnamed Honorable MMA—Mkhwanazi admitted his sources were unreliable. "I’m sure you know uh one of them is uh honorable Adams," he said, trailing off. "He’ll come with allegations... I don’t know whether he’s a member of crime intelligence or he has sources there." That moment was the tipping point. On or around October 8, 2025, Adams walked into the Cape Town Central Police Station and filed perjury charges against Mkhwanazi. It wasn’t just a legal move—it was a political strike. Adams, who founded the National Coloured Congress in 2020 and now holds three seats in the National Assembly after the May 2024 elections, is positioning himself as a reformer fighting corruption from within. Mkhwanazi’s retraction, in Adams’s view, was an act of cover-up. And now, the commissioner is the one under scrutiny.Why This Isn’t Just About Two Men
This isn’t a personal feud. It’s a systemic crisis. The Madlanga Commission of Inquiry, established by President Cyril Ramaphosa in June 2024 under Proclamation R. 47, was modeled after the Zondo Commission. Its mandate: to probe whether political interference has corrupted South Africa’s police leadership. The commission’s hearings, which began in August 2024, are scheduled to end on November 15, 2025. A final report is due by December 15. What’s at stake? The integrity of South Africa’s intelligence-sharing protocols. Section 39 of the Intelligence Services Oversight Act allows for up to 15 years in prison for unauthorized possession of classified material. If Adams did what Mkhwanazi says he did, he could face criminal charges. If Mkhwanazi lied under oath, he could lose his job—or worse. And if either side is protecting a larger network, the implications ripple through the entire SAPS structure.What Comes Next
The commission’s next steps are critical. Investigators will likely subpoena internal SAPS communications, parliamentary access logs, and digital records from Adams’s office. They’ll also need to determine whether anyone else in Parliament received similar documents. The National Coloured Congress has not issued a formal statement, but sources say internal discussions are underway about potential disciplinary action. Meanwhile, the public is watching. In a country still reeling from state capture, the sight of a sitting MP using intelligence meant for oversight to target police officers—without due process—feels chillingly familiar. The question isn’t just whether Adams broke the law. It’s whether the system can still protect itself when those sworn to uphold it become the threat.Background: The Madlanga Commission and Its Precedents
The Madlanga Commission of Inquiry is the latest in a series of high-stakes probes into South Africa’s institutions. The Zondo Commission (2018–2022) exposed how political patronage and corruption infiltrated state-owned enterprises. Madlanga’s focus is narrower but no less explosive: the police. Its chair, Judge Nobuntu Mbelle, has signaled she’s not afraid of powerful figures. This case, involving a sitting MP and a senior police official, is exactly the kind of test case the commission was created to handle. The Crime Intelligence Division, established in 2002 under the Intelligence Services Act, operates under strict compartmentalization. Even within SAPS, access is tiered. That’s why Mkhwanazi’s testimony is so damning—it suggests a breakdown in protocol so fundamental it could undermine every future intelligence operation.Frequently Asked Questions
Can a Member of Parliament legally access Crime Intelligence documents?
No. Only members of the Joint Standing Committee on Intelligence, a 15-person body with specific vetting, are legally permitted to access classified Crime Intelligence documents. Fadiel Adams serves on the Portfolio Committee on Police, which has no authority over intelligence matters. Unauthorized possession of such documents violates Section 39 of the Intelligence Services Oversight Act and carries penalties of up to 15 years in prison.
Why did Fadiel Adams file perjury charges against Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi?
Adams filed the charges after Mkhwanazi retracted earlier allegations he made before Parliament’s ad hoc committee in October 2025, which implicated former Police Minister Bheki Cele and alleged crime figure Vusimuzi 'Cat' Matlala. Adams viewed the retraction as an attempt to cover up corruption and accused Mkhwanazi of lying under oath—leading to the perjury complaint filed at Cape Town Central Police Station on October 8, 2025.
What impact could this have on SAPS operations?
If confirmed, the unauthorized sharing of intelligence could cripple future operations. Officers may stop reporting sensitive findings for fear they’ll be leaked to politicians. Trust within Crime Intelligence is already fragile; this scandal could deter whistleblowers and compromise national security efforts, especially in organized crime hotspots like Gauteng and KwaZulu-Natal.
Is there precedent for a politician using intelligence to target police officers?
Yes. During the Zondo Commission, several MPs were found to have leveraged leaked intelligence to pressure or retaliate against SAPS officials. But this case is unusual because it involved arrests without formal charges—a direct abuse of power. The Madlanga Commission is now tasked with determining whether this was an isolated incident or part of a broader pattern.
When will we know the outcome of this investigation?
The Madlanga Commission’s public hearings conclude on November 15, 2025. A final report will be submitted to President Cyril Ramaphosa by December 15, 2025. If evidence supports criminal conduct, the National Prosecuting Authority will decide whether to bring charges against either or both parties.
What role does the National Coloured Congress play in this?
The National Coloured Congress, founded by Adams in 2020, holds three seats in the National Assembly and positions itself as a voice for marginalized communities. While it has not publicly defended Adams’s actions, its small size makes it vulnerable to political isolation. If Adams is found guilty, the party could lose credibility—or gain traction as a reformist force, depending on public perception.
12 Comments
Patrick Scheuerer
November 2 2025
The sheer audacity of this is breathtaking. Adams didn't just breach protocol-he weaponized the system's blind spots. Section 39 isn't a suggestion; it's a constitutional firewall. If a parliamentarian can bypass intelligence safeguards because they sit on a different committee, then the entire architecture of oversight collapses. This isn't about corruption-it's about the erosion of institutional boundaries that took decades to build. We're not talking about leaked emails or informal chats. We're talking about classified Crime Intelligence documents, the kind that can compromise operations, endanger officers, and destabilize entire regions. And he used them to arrest people without charges? That's not reform. That's vigilante justice dressed in parliamentary robes.
Angie Ponce
November 3 2025
Of course the commissioner is flip-flopping-he’s part of the same rot. Everyone knows SAPS has been a political tool since the Zondo Commission. Adams might’ve broken a rule, but at least he was trying to expose real criminals. Mkhwanazi’s whole testimony reeks of damage control. Why did he wait until now to ‘discover’ the leak? Coincidence? Or did someone higher up tell him to backtrack? This isn’t about law. It’s about who gets to control the narrative.
Andrew Malick
November 4 2025
There’s a legal nuance here that’s being ignored. The Intelligence Services Oversight Act distinguishes between possession and dissemination. Adams may have received classified material unlawfully, but unless he shared it beyond his office, the criminal liability is less clear. The fact that no formal charges were laid against the officers suggests the prosecution didn’t find sufficient grounds-even with the leak. The real issue isn’t the leak itself, but the procedural overreach: arresting people based on unverified intel and then dropping the case. That’s the abuse of power. Not the possession. The possession is a violation. The arrest without charge? That’s the crime.
will haley
November 4 2025
Imagine being a cop and realizing your own boss is handing intel to a politician who then uses it to get you arrested for no reason. That’s not just betrayal-that’s psychological warfare. I’ve seen guys break down after one bad review. Now imagine your whole career, your pension, your family’s safety, all on the line because someone in Parliament decided to play god with classified files. This isn’t politics. This is trauma with a badge.
Laura Hordern
November 5 2025
Okay, I’ve been reading all this and I just need to say-this whole thing feels like a soap opera written by someone who’s never met a real police officer. I grew up in a town where the local cop knew my name, helped my grandma fix her car, and showed up at my graduation. These guys aren’t bureaucrats-they’re people who show up when the world’s falling apart. And now one of them gets arrested because some politician read a report he wasn’t supposed to? That’s not justice. That’s a system that forgot why it exists. We need to stop treating these institutions like chess pieces and remember that real lives are on the line. These officers didn’t ask to be pawns in some political power play. They just wanted to do their job.
Brittany Vacca
November 6 2025
Wow. This is so serious. I just read the whole thing and I'm so sad. I hope the commission does the right thing. I really do. The law is the law, no matter who you are. But also, I think maybe Adams was trying to help? I don't know. I just hope everyone gets fair treatment. 🙏
Lucille Nowakoski
November 7 2025
I’ve worked in public service for over 20 years, and I’ve seen how these systems break down-not because people are evil, but because they’re overwhelmed. Mkhwanazi might’ve made a mistake. Adams might’ve crossed a line. But the real tragedy here is that the system didn’t have safeguards to prevent this in the first place. Why was an MP even getting access to classified intel? Why wasn’t there a digital audit trail? Why did it take a public hearing for someone to notice? This isn’t about blame-it’s about design. We need better processes, better training, better accountability-not just punishment after the fact. Let’s fix the machine before the next person tries to break it.
Benjamin Gottlieb
November 7 2025
This is a textbook case of institutional epistemic asymmetry. The Crime Intelligence Division operates under a closed-loop epistemology-information is generated, vetted, and disseminated within a strictly bounded ontological framework. Adams, as a member of the Portfolio Committee on Police, exists outside that framework. His access constitutes a category error: he treated intelligence as political capital rather than operational data. The arrests were not merely unlawful-they were ontologically incoherent. Intelligence isn’t a weapon; it’s a diagnostic tool. When you weaponize it, you corrupt its epistemic function. The real threat here isn’t Adams or Mkhwanazi-it’s the normalization of intelligence as a political currency. That’s the cancer. And if we don’t excise it now, the entire architecture of democratic oversight becomes a hollow shell.
Angela Harris
November 9 2025
...I just don’t get why this is such a big deal. People leak stuff all the time. I mean, if Adams wanted to expose corruption, isn’t that kind of the point?
Doloris Lance
November 10 2025
Let’s be clear: the Intelligence Services Oversight Act is not a suggestion. Section 39 exists for a reason. The fact that Adams used classified intel to initiate arrests without due process is not just a violation-it’s a direct assault on the rule of law. The procedural irregularities here are staggering. No formal charges? No trial? Just arrests triggered by improperly obtained documents? That’s not oversight. That’s authoritarianism with parliamentary credentials. And Mkhwanazi’s retraction? That’s not a mistake-it’s a cover-up. Both men are complicit in undermining institutional integrity. The commission must treat this as a systemic failure, not a personal feud.
Carolette Wright
November 11 2025
So like... this guy just got mad and used secret papers to get people arrested? That’s wild. I mean, I get he’s trying to be a hero, but that’s not how it works. Now everyone’s gonna be scared to even talk to each other. This is why I hate politics.
Beverley Fisher
November 11 2025
Ugh, I just feel so drained reading this. Like, why does everyone have to be so dramatic? Can’t we just all get along? I hope everyone’s okay. I’m sending good vibes to all the officers and the MP and the commissioner too. We need more love in politics, not more drama.